The point is that the Supreme Court is at a level that can need broader views than many judges as technicians may have.
Sorry, strict constructionists, but the fact is that the constitution *does* leave room for different interpretations - you need look no futher than the vagueries of the 9th and 10th amendment to recognize that this flexibility was the founders' intent, and that it's you who are violating the constitution's clear content in *your* demand for it to be some narrow, black and white document that it's not.
Let's look at a real example on this issue.
Earl Warren was IMO the most effective Chief JUstice in the last several decades. Let's take a closer look at one of his decisions.
At the turn of the 20th century, the Supreme Court had determined that if the people wanted to vote for laws saying 'separate but equal' was the law, there was nothing in the constitution to prohibit it. Presumably, in theory, if separat but unequal was the result, blacks could sue - and all they'd have to do would be to convince the whites in power they were right. The final word on the law and the constitution said 'no problem' to having black and white public schools.
Earl Warren was never a judge. He'd been a prosecutor; the only three-term governor of CA and so popular both the Democrats and Republicans nominated him one time (he was a Republican); and he was a national politician who had been the Republican nominee for VP who nearly won in 1948.
The 'separate but equal' doctrine had not been questioned by the court for over 50 years it was in effect when he moved from non-judge to Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
And he was the Chief Justice who demanded not only a rare reversal of the Court on a major doctrine that had stood for decades - but one that had strong public support, and indeed passionate public opposition to the alternative of disrupting the lives of American children to start bussing them to further schoiols for the purpose of racial integration. Talk about judicial activism! People were often up in arms in opposition, and his ruling would require the politicians to support his decision, creating large bussing operations that upset their voters. It was a risky move that could undermine the standing of the court if the politicians did not follow its direction.
But recognizing this, he decided it was important to have a unanimous decision, to reduce the chances of politicians attacking the ruling and pointing to the dissenters as an excuse not to follow the decision, politiciaing it, and he worked hard to get the justices who did not like the idea to support it - and it worked. The result was the unanimous Brown v. Board of Education ruling, which is viewed as one of the great Supreme Court decisions of the last century - and one with broad support now, that was central in the public's change to end its near century of racist policies towards blacks and to pave the way to the civil rights bills a decade later more fully ending segregation.
People take that for granted now as if it was some inevitable cultural change, but the century before the decision say otherwise, when that evolution and change did not happen.
This was the sort of ledership that came from a non-judge but a leading citizen - one which many judges appointed to the Court had failed to make for over 50 years.
Judges could go either way - continue to defend 'separate but equal', or decide that the spirit of the constitution did not allow for that doctrine, that separate is "inherently unequal".
(A point with grat relevance today to the gay marriage issue, as people ask, 'what's wrong with denying gays the *word* marriage?' if they have separate but equal civil unions).
Some people like to try to make the consitution into something it's not, to genrally oppose any changes to how it's interpreted not because they aren't right but because it violates their narrow opposition to change, they just like what they're used to. There people are the enemies of the great evolution of our coutnry that has come in part from the Supreme Court making major changes i nits rulings that are unpopular at the time and typically strongly supported as the public changes later.
When the Warren Court said that people had the *right* to birth control (Griswold v. Connecticut), there was great public outcry. When the Warren Court challenged the often abusive practices of police and said that taking advantage of people's ignorance of their rights was denying them those rights - and created the 'Miranda rights' for all people arrested to be told basic rights, in a decision of the same name, there was public outcry.
And yet most today are prouud of our criminal justice system in its fairness of reading people their rights, and don't call for the return to the routine violation of those rights.
(The exceptions - those who oppose the decisions above - are at the core of the Federalist Society who now holds four of the nine seats on the Court, and has widely infiltrated our legal system at all levels of judges and lawyers, largely through the simple advantage of career advancement by their 'networking' to help one another.)
I submit Warren as Exhibit 1 in why a non-judge can be a great way to go in choosing Supreme COut Justices.
We could go even further, and discuss non-lawyers being Justices - there's no requirement for a Justice to be a lawyer, to give Presidents the felxibility.
The question is whether people want leading citizens - or the legal technicians that might say 'why change the long-standing rule of the land, separate but equal?'
I think Reid has a good point. The poster who have poointed out that the current court with its unversal appellate experience is the exception, are right.