I have been thinking about this quite a bit.
For that law to be relevant here, it has to be shown that a race is being targeted (Islam is not a race) and it has to be a cover to accomplish discrimination through the guise of something else. Having a bad motive is not enough to say this is illegal, and Ill give an example.
A vehement racist in FL (not hard to imagine) shoots a Black man that was on his property. There were not witnesses and the only facts known is that the two men were on the shooters property. The shooter says the Black man was not invited and the shooter said he feared for his safety. The fact that the man was racist will not matter unless there is evidence to show it was the reason for shooting the man. You can reasonably wonder if he might not have shot a White man, but it still does not mean it was illegal to kill that man.
This is incorrect for a number of reasons:
1) Race and religion are interchangeable here the law applies identically to both for this purpose.
2) The shooting story is not relevant as in this case we know that anti-Muslim animus was the reason for creating this order specifically as both Trump and Giuliani have effectively said as much. Your story is about some general animus.
You can in fact see that line of reasoning with the Voting law you cited.
The reason they made the decision they did was because they requested race data, and then enacted a law that effected minorities more as well as not having a valid justification in reality.
This is literally exactly what happened here. It is now part of the record that Trump said he wanted to ban Muslims, asked Giuliani how he could ban Muslims, and then enacted what Giuliani suggested. The government's argument that it's about terrorism made no sense as no one in America has been killed by a terrorist from those nations in 40 years.
The argument cannot simply be that the countries banned was for race or religion as empirically that is untrue. The best recourse would be to point out that if it were about terrorism, why these specific countries were chosen. If we overturn his ban for the wrong reasons it would have massive implications and would be super dumb. There is a valid argument about overturning this, but its not a Muslim or Arab one. He did not ban the majority of the Muslim world, and he did not ban the majority of the Arab world.
No, this would be in exact keeping with longstanding SCOTUS precedent and it is absolutely vital that we overturn it EXPLICITLY because it is a Muslim ban. Empirically we know it was done to ban a religion as again, both Trump and Giuliani have effectively said that was the goal. As a reminder, here's Giuliani's statement:
“I'll tell you the whole history of it,” Giuliani responded eagerly. “So when [Trump] first announced it, he said, 'Muslim ban.' He called me up. He said, 'Put a commission together. Show me the right way to do it legally.' "
There's no ambiguity there. Trump asked for a Muslim ban and Giuliani said basically 'you can ban Muslims so long as we say it's about the country and not the religion'. Sadly, Giuliani's legal judgment there turned out to be comically wrong.
The only 'massive implications' would be that the law continues on as it has for literally more than a century. Somehow saying that this sort of facially neutral order was NOT motivated by this animus or that this animus didn't matter despite the public statements of those behind it would be a legal catastrophe as it would effectively gut this longstanding precedent.
Here's from the 9th circuit's opinion unanimously denying Trump's request to lift the injunction:
http://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2017/02/09/17-35105.pdf
The States argue that the Executive Order violates the Establishment and Equal Protection Clauses because it was intended to disfavor Muslims. In support of this argument, the States have offered evidence of numerous statements by the President about his intent to implement a “Muslim ban” as well as evidence they claim suggests that the Executive Order was intended to be that ban, including sections 5(b) and 5(e) of the Order. It is well established that evidence of purpose beyond the face of the challenged law may be considered in evaluating Establishment and Equal Protection Clause claims. See, e.g., Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, 508 U.S. 520, 534 (1993) (“The Free Exercise Clause, like the Establishment Clause, extends beyond facial discrimination. . . . Official action that targets religious conduct for distinctive treatment cannot be shielded by mere compliance with the requirement of facial neutrality.”);
So the 9th circuit not only accepts that anti-Islamic animus is a valid reason to permanently enjoin this order, they say the government has not shown they are likely to prevail in arguing that this is not motivated by anti-Islamic animus. For both the reasons of protecting longstanding legal precedent and protecting common sense it's vital that the courts focus on the obvious religious discriminatory intent of this order. So far they're doing well!